goodfreshthoughts

Sunday, November 25, 2007

Bully Pulpit: A sequel to “The Democracy Attitude” blog.

A reader of my earlier blog on “The Democracy Attitude,” took exception to something I wrote. I decided merely logging in a “comment” at the foot of that blog would be too terse to handle my added thoughts. So here is a sequel.

To introduce this addendum, I reiterate my thesis: Participatory government--government by the people--makes accessible a deep reservoir of wisdom and resources. As colonialists, we found that rule by a distant Parliament in which we had no voice, and a king insensitive to our interests did not suit us. Our “democratic attitude” inspired our Rebellion and set the foundation stone of our new government. The energy and vitality that this concept induces, explains our rise to prosperity and international influence. I then took this thesis and related it to the current terrorist crisis we are now facing. My conclusion was that we are selling our strengths short by succumbing to fear and desperate military action as our means of response to the terrorist bullies.

At this point, my interested reader reacted forcefully by labeling my point about how to handle “bullies” as idealistic. If we don’t rise to the fight, he said, we will take a pounding before help arrives. Any efforts to talk the bully out of slugging us won’t work, so we have only the choice of cowardly running away, or fighting. Fighting is the “better” solution, because running is a failure of courage.

The problem with this answer is that it assumes the test of “better” is “courage.” I say courage is for the action phase, after what is “better“ has been decided. Planning and making choices is not courage‘s thing. Courage cannot guarantee to make things “work” or turn out well. So depending upon courage to make up for bad decisions is irresponsible leadership, to say it politely. But we can argue courage in another blog. My point was that a “democracy attitude” is more powerful than a “meet me in the alley” attitude--and ultimately more realistic. I am not idealistic at all. Here is why.

The commenter referenced the survival-on-the-playground experience to which we all can relate. My playground experience taught me the importance of keeping an eye on the troublemaker so as not to be blindsided. But I also learned that alertness combined with agility can easily make the muscle-bound hulk irrelevant. Sidestepping is always an available, even honorable, strategy at the moment of challenge. In fact, a slippery, evasive runner on the football field, or the basketball player who is good in traffic, is admired for this superior physical skill.

Then, too, I have also observed that the bully is normally surrounded by the weak, the blind, and assorted sycophants. The more fight-prone the bully is, the fewer quality friends he has. He is always on a bankrupt course, because he inevitably isolates himself from the playground population by his abrasive personality and careening techniques. He will have his moments of sway, but only to the extent that the rest of us, the majority, are caught off-guard or live in a stupor. There is no greater failure a tormentor can endure than the failure to scare up anyone who will fight him. He creates a scene because it gives him apparent standing when otherwise he is irrelevant. Bullies need to be contained because they are ticking explosive devices, but a little cleverness, off-stage, is startlingly successful against them. The best way to hamstring a bully is to fight him in ways he knows nothing about.

Allow me to diverge with personal testimony about how I have applied my playground diploma on different terrain. I have had three experiences on the highway with road-rage over fender-bender incidents. In one I was physically handled; in another my antagonist pounded my car because I wouldn’t roll down my window; in the third the other guy invited me to step behind his truck to settle the argument decisively. I defused each incident without as much as raising my hand, yet without backing off. I simply used a weapon my opponents were not counting on and knew nothing about. I rendered them helpless before me. I ignored them. Their fuse fizzled out for lack of oxygen. This real account displays only one method, but it highlights the basic poverty of the standard bully’s repertoire.

Bullies depend on their personal power of intimidation. Intimidation is an attitude. Each of us has the power, from birth, to choose our attitudes. Because of unfortunate parentage, dysfunctional upbringing, physical or mental handicaps, or wrenching bad luck, millions of us know little else than powerlessness and chronic defeat. We need the help of those who have attained position and wisdom. Our bullies need to be handled for us. But that is what leaders are for. If we have not learned yet how to direct the energy of our attitudes, we can always gravitate intentionally toward (and vote for) those who understand this advanced power. Attitude costs nothing; it is free. It only needs to be adopted (or befriended). We choose it, and it goes to work. Once we commit ourselves to an attitude, it operates automatically and effortlessly. You just tune it in and it melts the opposition, for good or bad. (I‘m not talking here about name-it-and-claim-it materialism.)

Here is how it works. Because a good attitude is sunny and open, it recognizes synchronicities that bad attitudes miss. A good attitude “lets the game come to it.” This confidence frees it to be counter intuitive when this is useful--an approach Muhammad Ali used to good effect with his rope-a-dope tactic--yielding to a disadvantage while waiting for opportunity to show itself. Democracy and “good attitude” are natural confederates. Both are high-minded, relaxed yet energized, interactive, and confident (of assets and potentialities).

A bad attitude can be very intimidating, but only where there is no challenge from competing (stronger) attitudes. With a bad attitude, one can easily create destruction and damage. But a good attitude has greater attractive power and ultimately greater resources. We all know this; we just forget it at the moment of an emotional hit.

One historical example will nail the point--an example of poignant victimization. In his autobiography Frederick Douglass, an enslaved African American in our pre-Civil War South, tells of his experience of loss of identity and brutal treatment at the hands of a cruel master. After one particularly severe beating, he had an epiphany, a moment of clarity. He saw he had a choice of acquiescence or rebellion. He knew he could not win by physical confrontation. But he could choose the “attitude” of rebellion and edge his way toward other methods, methods supported by crowds of people (once educated to the idea). As a run-away, he attached himself to like-minded rebels, the anti-slavery group, and became a sensational, national speaker. Eventually his legal freedom was bought for him by friends, and he was looked to for singular attitude leadership.

John Brown, a white rebel against slavery with an “attitude” problem, solicited Douglass’ assistance in a planned armed uprising. Douglass recognized the folly of this approach and refused to give aid in this way. (Brown had courage; Douglass had wisdom.)

The fight against slavery, though, escalated into civil war, as other immature national leaders allowed us to slip into armed combat. Abraham Lincoln found himself President with a nation torn apart, his hands tied by the responsibilities of his job as commander-in-chief. But he clearly was a leader with an “attitude” closer to that of the real victim--Frederick Douglass--than the bully John Brown. Yes, Brown was a classic bully (check on his Kansas murders), even though he claimed a good cause. He ended where all bullies end, in ignominy. Lincoln, on the other hand, was elevated to international admiration by his “attitude” of malice toward none.

Meanwhile, the Union government ended legal slavery after conquest in battle, but it did not defeat it. The real issue, discrimination and victimization, still is alive and stirring. The “democracy attitude” has means for dealing with this problem, just as it has means for dealing with today’s international “terrorist” problem. It remains to be seen whether America has gained enough maturity to recognize the power of civic saintliness in contrast to the bankruptcy of belligerence, and whether today we know a Lincoln (who hated war and knew how to publicly model commiseration) when we see one.

At least the grantors of the Nobel Peace Prize knew the difference between a Martin Luther King, Jr., and a John Brown, and the contrast between an Al Gore and a George W. Bush.

Al Gore would be well advised not to run for President again; he could end up as agonized over the constraints of his job definition as Lincoln did. He clearly has the “democracy attitude,” as is evident in his recent book, The Assault On Reason.

Victory over bullies calls for visionaries, not heroes. Our leaders are chosen by election, so our future depends on enlightened, savvy, mature citizens whose “attitudes” are bedded in democracy, not in a culture of cowboy gun-slinging. Bullies only have “power” by our permission. When bullies threaten, even the President cannot save us by a fighting attitude. As a people, we may prevail by applying “attitude” resources that are not wired to threats. But we must first be virtuous and able to recognize the power of our virtue when the President and an uncommitted Congress fail us. An early step would be to vote for a “democracy attitude” President, one who does not make decisions in his drawing room, but turns to the people where the strength of our system lies. Lincoln provided the template. He was not merely a war President, nor a mere idealist. He did not just save us from slaveholding bullies. He consciously embroidered his crisis leadership, start to finish, with an “attitude” that struck a resounding blow against pessimism, cynicism, and moral anemia. He knew these were more serious threats to democracy than slaveholding bullies. He was not overcome by the desperations of the moment. Were he alive today, I believe he would have the same opinion about our terrorist bullies.

Knowledgeable Christians might remember that fight-happy Peter was not in charge of the trump card at the Garden of Gethsemane attitude-moment. To draw a parallel, the Bush Administration Iraq policy, rather than being a reflection of crucifixion Christianity, might be accurately tagged as “Petrianity at work.” It seems to be working as well as Peter’s playground strategy. Christ exercised no bully pulpit attitude. Which approach do you think was realistic, and more effective?

(P.S. Please note that in none of the above am I arguing for inaction; I stand for aggressive, but responsible, mature, hence practical, action.)

Doug Good

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Wednesday, November 21, 2007

The “Democracy Attitude”: What America Is All About

If one word captures the essence of the American experience and the heritage of our past, it is democracy. All of us know from our grade school lessons that a quick definition of this word is: government by the people, rather than rule by a king.

But the wonder of the word, as Alexis deTocqueville once noted, lies in its effectiveness, or lack thereof. Laws in America, he said, “are almost always defective or unseasonable.” But, “the great privilege of the Americans is to be able to make retrievable mistakes.” This French admirer/critic, judged our system as frustratingly inefficient; yet as a free people, he witnessed, we are energetically resolute. We typically are entrepreneurs chasing the next opportunity, optimistic about enjoying the fortunes of our land and the genius of our people. But with less interest in pausing to catch our breath, we count on the details taking care of themselves. When our lives get too complicated, we move and start over. Or if there is a threat from outside, our military leaders (Washington, Grant, Eisenhower) and our technology (the atomic bomb), along with the aroused spirit of the people have prevailed (until recently).

Actually, more than we might admit, luck has carried us through much of our 231 independent years. We have had space, abundant natural resources, virtuous ancestors, geographical isolation. Until mid-20th century we have not had to take stock of the inefficient and immature part of our democratic practices. We have long enjoyed freedom of action for our vaunted individualism, and in times of crisis charismatic leaders have stepped forward to channel the energies and will of the people. Meanwhile we have prospered and preached our principles abroad.

We have lived in the family of humanity as the charmed “golden boy” among nations. But have reached the age of accountability. With Vietnam, and now Iraq, our antics are no longer “cute.” My intent is not to thrash our record, but to call attention to what America is really about, so that we might identify the power within our heritage to fight our foes more effectively and honorably than with the self-destructive forces of primal intimidation.

Today the threat of terrorism is serious. The attack on the World Trade Towers in 2001 was of crisis magnitude. But with Tocqueville’s characterization of us in mind, as a people we aroused ourselves and urged the President to respond to the threat, by going after the known perpetrator harbored by the Afghanistan regime. We quelled (temporarily) the Afghanistan intransigence, and the Al Qaeda organization has held back from a repeat attack on our cities.

Our Executive leader, announced that his response to the 9/11 attack would define his administration, but in his restricted understanding of what America is about, he envisioned himself as the man of the hour who would play the role of our past wartime Presidents. Mr. Bush thinks our strength as a country rests on military heroism. He is unaware that our expanse of power rests on a broader base of qualities enwrapped in our democratic republic. Militarism is a hangover from the ancient Greek heritage that held the highest virtue to be courage, displayed most magnificently by a warrior in combat. We should know by now that militarism unleashed is destructive of culture, morality and ultimately, with today’s technological force, humanity itself.

What is enduring and constructive from the Greek record is the “democracy attitude.” In the 3000-year run-up to the United States’ embodiment of democracy in our Constitution and its “idea,” the concept of democracy has blossomed on the stem. It is more than a political form; it is an attitude of respect and relationship. Behind the matinee of politics, Americans have been busy hustling, striving, risking, cooperating, as we dared much, prayed much, suffered, and played together, enjoying the vigor of accomplishment and mutual encouragement. Democracy has given us the true courage and confidence that translates into an indomitable power that leads by honoring each other’s gifts and creativity, spun together into the bright fabric of triumph over the gray, tragic and pitiable manipulations of warring contenders.

Listening to the current President’s tiresome talk about fear (the theme of more than ½ of his latest State of the Union Address) is an example of someone who “doesn’t get it,” despite being born and raised in America. To Mr. Bush, strong means forceful--the visceral and empty talk of adolescence. Democracy in its mature form means unparalleled power resident in citizen numbers far larger than any army will ever muster, power capable of exerting a rush of influence in every aspect of political, economic, moral, and cultural activities of living together, once recognized and aroused. Bush has no idea of how much power is available to him if only he were better tutored.

If the existence of our nation is at stake, let us reach for our weapons of true strength, the overwhelming weapons of genuine virtue, and the positive character traits that have given us our national prosperity. Terrorism is a demanding problem masquerading as a threat. But if we want to talk about the endurance of our democratic experiment and the existence of the American civilization, the real threat is much more complicated than profiling, stereotyping, lists of most-wanteds, secrecy, and torturing, . Why let the terrorists choose our weapons for us? If they knew anything about real power, they wouldn’t need to be terrorists.

Those who counsel war are supreme pessimists. They pronounce their superiority; they bluster; their confidence is practiced. The truly confident do not need to pronounce and cheerlead. The confident don’t need war victories in order to be dominant. Those who know the source of power simply hold true to their greatness and let it work for them. This is not inaction, it is wisdom applied to the base, not the surface of the problem. Real optimism, the optimism potent in democracy, doesn’t worry; it studies, plans and draws on collective wisdom and unity of spirit.
Pessimism, by contrast, is always under threat, and tends to act on impulse and out of desperation--which is what one does when there is only one arrow in the quiver.

Terrorists are a real concern, but they are wanna-be’s. They have no program, they have no morality, they have no integrity, no nation. We ought to be wisely wary, but there is no need to get the shakes and desperately shoot ourselves in the foot.

The real threat is not from the terrorists. The real threat is that we will forget who we are --the enlightened progeny of those birthed in democracy. Why put our heritage at risk, just to play cops and robbers as children holding real guns. Why chip away at our inheritance. Why use Constitutional planks for kindling a fire when the only chill is from ignorance of our own robust heritage. It is time to put the games and mistakes of our immature past aside, and become the real leaders of the democracy attitude on the international stage. The real heroes are those who have the courage to grow up. There are other pressing “threats” than terrorism to be dealing with.

At this Thanksgiving season, let us bask in the serendipity of the “democracy attitude” and be thankful that we have more promising options than war.

Doug Good

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Functional Disjunction: Do You “Believe” What You “Know” About Iraq?

Recently I conducted an interesting exercise in my classes. I passed out a self-check quiz regarding the war in Iraq. I had compiled an imposing list of statements commonly made by President Bush or his spokespersons about the war, defending the Administration’s policies there. I asked the students to mark as “true” those statements with which they agreed and to leave the rest blank.

Then on a separate check sheet I listed a number of statements about the details of the situation in Iraq, and asked them to mark the ones that they considered valid or “true.” I requested they fill in the two sheets separately, and did not tell them that the statements on the second sheet had to be true in order to validate Bush’s policies. In other words, the second sheet listed, in matching numerical order, the assumptions underlying the Administration’s proclaimed positions.

After they finished marking their sheets, I told them to put the two sheets side by side, with the item numbers lining up. To be consistent, their marks on the two sheets should match--the Administration statements and the underlying assumptions should agree. If they marked the Administration statements as true, they should have marked the matching assumption as true. If they felt the Administration’s position was wrong, they should have recognized the assumption as invalid. If their statement and their assumption marks did not match, it would be a sign of confused thinking, or maybe the absence of thought. This was not a test of whether the President’s policies are “right,” but only if one’s opinions about Iraq follow from the assumptions that one considers valid. Without mental consistency, you will be hard pressed to back up what you believe.

The results:
In reality, a strong case could be made that all of the “assumptions” are wrong, or at the very least, questionable. If a Bush critic marked any of the assumptions as valid, his or her rational processes needed examining. And by the same token, any instance where a Bush supporter recognized an assumption to be wrong, a mismatch popped up on his sheet, revealing the confused thinking. For both sides, a mismatch exposed a disjunction between belief and knowledge.

About 1/3 of my students evidenced confusion--some supporters and some critics. Most of the Administration critics turned in blank sheets, which meant their positions and assumptions matched. But the inconsistent thinkers were predominantly Bush supporters. It looks as if our CAO (Chief Articulating Officer) has more explaining to do.

In case you want to glance over the “statement/assumption” list, it follows here in paired form. If you are a logical thinker, the statements with their assumptions should in most cases either make total sense, or total nonsense. How does it look to you? There might be room for discussion between the extremes, but the degree to which the matching is optimal is possibly a measure of the clarity of your thought processes, regardless of which side of the controversy you have chosen to champion. Check yourself.


Bush Administration’s Military Policy In Iraq
1. Our war machine (troops, fire power, technology) can win the war.
Assumption: All we need is more soldiers, more money, and more time.

2. Pulling out our troops will send Iraq into political chaos and precipitate civil war.
Assumption: There is neither chaos nor civil war now present in Iraq

3. While our troops have been present in Iraq, progress toward a stable, democratic self-government has been made
Assumption: The Iraqi leaders have shown both the skill and willingness to resolve their
disagreements.

4. Stabilization of the Iraqi government depends on the presence of our troops.
Assumption: The only obstacle to a smooth and stable government is terrorist violence.

5. Pulling our troops out prematurely will cancel all we have accomplished.
Assumprion: We have accomplished a lot in weakening Al Qaeda, training Iraqi soldiers
to take our place, and persuading the Iraqi politicians to cooperate.
Assumption: Important strides have been made in repairing the Iraqi infrastructure.

6. We did Iraq a huge favor by toppling Saddam Hussein..
Assumption: The Iraqi people appreciate the improved situation they now experience and
want us to stay and continue our good work.

7. Things over-all will get worse if we leave.
Assumption: Things aren’t so bad now.

8. Our withdrawal will increase Iran’s involvement and enhance its influence in the
Middle East.
Assumption: Our presence in Iraq has effectively restrained Iran’s involvement.
Assumption: Our military success in Iraq is the only way to keep Iran under wraps.

9. Someone has to do something, so we should be the one.
Assumption: Other countries are backing us in our role as “intervener.”
Assumption: A country always furthers its best interests by going it alone.
Assumption: We are respected internationally for our principled stands.

10. The threat to America is primarily and strategically in Iraq; we have to respond.
Assumption: Saddam Hussein was responsible for the 9/11 attack on New York.

11. If we don’t fight Al Quaeda in Iraq, we will fight them here.
Assumption: It is easier, safer, less expensive and more effective to fight them on
someone’s else’s terrain.
Assumption: We lose fewer lives when we take the fight to them.

12. If we pull out the insurgents will take over.
Assumption: Insurgency has yet to gain an upper-hand. Civil violence is waning.

13. By our efforts freedom has taken root in Iraq.
Assumption: Enduring freedom comes to a nation as a gift.

14. Leaving will make us look weak and uncertain.
Assumption: Our 4 & 1/2 years of war in Iraq has established our superior power and
impressed the world with our effective leadership.

15 Leaving would destabilize the government of Iraq.
Assumption: The Iraq government is not already in trouble.

16. Stick with the plan--US military engagement. We don’t have another.
Assumption: Nobody but the President has offered other ideas--not any Army generals,
not any members of Congress, not any presidential candidates, not any journalists, authors
or commentators.
Doug Good

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